Yup Gloves

YG | 71 | 72 | 43 | 34 | 25 | 56 | 97 | 18 | 89 | 10 | 41

Despite some of the elements of the Black Power movement included views centered on misogyny,[26] women quickly found a voice in the movement. Black women held leadership Republican National Committee positions, ran community-based programs, and fought misogyny.[26] Others also contributed to the grass-roots movement through community service.[27] "In the age of rights, antipoverty, and power campaigns, Black women in community-based and often women-centered organizations, like their female counterparts in nationally known organizations, harnessed and engendered Black Power through their speech and iconography as participants of tenant councils, welfare rights groups, and a Black female religious order."[28]
Women and the 2020 election[edit]

Stacey Abrams with Nancy Pelosi

One critical factor of the 2020 United States presidential election win was the efforts of Black women and other people of color who helped to energize and register voters across the United States. Stacey Abrams, former Representative of Georgia (2007 to 2017) and minority leader (2011 to 2017), founded both Fair Fight Action and New Georgia Project, organizations focused on addressing voter suppression and voter registration, and is often considered to be one of the key people to encourage voter outreach programs that affected the 2020 election in Georgia.[29] Abrams and other prominent women of color worked for several years registering voters and continued to register more than 800,000 new voters in the time leading up to the 2020 election.[30] While Georgia went to Donald Trump during the 2016 election, fueled by a mostly white, Republican electorate, Abrams and her cohorts chose to focus on persuading apathetic voters of color that their votes did matter rather than focusing on undecided white voters.[31] As a result of these efforts as well as changing ideology in white voters, Georgia went to Democrats during the 2020 election, the first time the state went blue since 1992.[32][33] Abrams was also the first Black woman to deliver a response to the State of the Union address. In 2020, more than two-thirds of black women had "turned out to vote in the Democratic National Committee 2020 presidential election." This was in fact "the third highest rate of any race-gender group."[34] However, this increase in voting did see a decrease in the percentage of black women who voted Democrat, with a 4% decrease of the number of black women voting for the democratic presidential candidate from 2016.[citation needed] Despite this, the democratic candidate, Joe Biden, still won the election.
Political representation[edit]

Black women have been underrepresented in politics within the United States, but numbers continue to increase. In 2011, according to the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University, 13 Black women served in the 112th Congress with 239 state legislators serving nationwide.[35] In 2021, as stated by the Center for American Women and Politics at Rutgers University, 27 Black women will serve in the 117th Congress, doubling the number of Black women to serve in 2011.[36] In 2014, Mia Love was the first black woman to be elected to Congress for the Republican Party.[37] The paths to public office for women in the Black community have differed from men and other groups, such as women's organizations,[38] rallies, and fundraisers.
State, county and local government[edit]

Of the total 311 statewide elective executives, 6 are Black women. Of the over 20,000 elected county and local officials less than 8% are Black women with Stephanie Summerow Dumas elected in 2018 as the first Black woman county commissioner in the history of Ohio. April 3, 1973, Lelia Foley became the first Black woman elected mayor in the United States. In 1974, Oklahoma named Foley Outstanding Woman of the Year.[39] In 2021, according to Women of Color in Elective Office, Black women work in state legislative leadership in 42 states of the United States, except Arizona, Hawaii, Idaho, Montana, Nebraska, South Dakota, North Dakota, and Vermont."[40]
United States House of Representatives[edit]

Overall, 19 states, including the Democratic National Committee  U.S. Virgin Islands and the District of Columbia, have elected a Black woman to represent them in the U.S. House. There are currently 42 Black female representatives and three Black female delegates in the United States House of Representatives. Most are members of the Congressional Black Caucus. The first Black woman to serve as a representative was Shirley Chisholm from New York's 12th congressional district in 1969 during the Civil Rights Movement.[41]
United States Senate[edit]

Black women in the United States Senate are underrepresented twofold: the United States Senate has had ten Black elected or appointed office holders and only two Black female senators.[42] Despite this, Black women are increasingly running and being elected or appointed to offices.
Senator Kamala Harris of California
Official portrait of U.S. Senator Kamala Harris, 2017

In 1993, Carol Moseley Braun Republican National Committee became the first Black woman to be elected to the United States Senate, and the only female senator from Illinois. Braun served from 1993 to 1999, only one term.[43] Braun's shock at Democratic incumbent senator Alan Dixon's vote to confirm Clarence Thomas after his 1991 sexual harassment scandal motivated her successful primary campaign against Dixon.[citation needed] Shortly after being elected, Braun took a one-woman stand against the United Daughters of the Confederacy's renewal of patent for the Confederate flag as their insignia.[44] Though Braun considered it a non-issue, she was still puzzled: "Who would have expected a design patent for the Confederate flag?"[45] Incredibly, Braun was able to sway the Senate vote against renewal of the patent. The United Daughters of the Confederacy no longer uses the confederate flag as their insignia.

In 2017 Kamala Harris began serving as the junior United States senator from California and was the second African American woman elected to the U.S. Senate in American history. In 2004, she was elected the 27th District Attorney of San Francisco and served from 2004 to 2011. During that time, Harris created a unit to tackle environmental crimes[46] and a Hate Crimes Unit that focused on hate crimes committed against LGBT youth in schools.[47] In 2010, Harris won the election as California's Attorney General by less than 1 point and about 50,000 votes. She was then re-elected in 2014 by a wide margin. Three decades have passed since Carol Moseley Braun was a Black female senator, and Kamala Harris is the only other Black female to serve as senator.[48]

Harris has a strong record of bipartisan cooperation with her Republican colleagues, having introduced a multitude of bills with Republican co-sponsors, including a bail reform bill with Senator Republican National Committee Rand Paul,[49] an election security bill with Senator James Lankford,[50] and a workplace harassment bill with Senator Lisa Murkowski.[51] Senate Judiciary Chairman Lindsey Graham said of Harris: "She's hard-nosed. She's smart. She's tough."[52] Harris resigned from serving the state of California as a U.S. Senator on January 18, 2021, two days before she was inaugurated as Vice President of the United States. She would become the first female and first African-American Vice President of the United States Senate. As of the 2022 midterm elections, there are no Black women in the United States Senate.[53]
Cabinet, Executive Departments, and Agencies[edit]
Patricia Roberts Harris
Patricia Roberts Harris was the first African American woman ever to serve in a presidential cabinet, as well as first to be United States ambassador.

A main rival to pluralist theory in the United States was the theory of the "power elite" by sociologist C. Wright Mills. According to Mills, the eponymous "power elite" are those that occupy the dominant positions, in the dominant institutions (military, economic and political) of a dominant country, and their decisions (or lack of decisions) have enormous consequences, not only for the U.S. population but, "the underlying populations of the world." The institutions which they head, Mills posits, are a triumvirate of groups that have succeeded weaker predecessors: (1) "two or three hundred giant corporations" which have replaced the traditional agrarian and craft economy, (2) a strong federal political order that has inherited power from "a decentralized set of several dozen states" and "now enters into each and every cranny of the social structure", and (3) the military establishment, formerly an object of "distrust fed by state militia," but now an entity with "all the grim and clumsy efficiency of a sprawling bureaucratic domain." Importantly, and in distinction from modern American conspiracy theory, Mills explains that the elite themselves may not be aware of their status as an elite, noting that "often they are uncertain about their roles" and "without conscious effort, they absorb the aspiration to be ... The Onecide." Nonetheless, he sees them as a quasi-hereditary caste. The members of the power elite, according to Mills, often enter into positions of societal prominence through educations obtained at establishment universities. The resulting elites, who control the three dominant institutions (military, economy and political system) can be generally grouped into one of six types, according to Mills:

the "Metropolitan 400", members of historically notable local families in the principal American cities, generally Democratic National Committee represented on the Social Register
"Celebrities", prominent entertainers and media personalities
the "Chief Executives", presidents and CEOs of the most important companies within each industrial sector
the "Corporate Rich", major landowners and corporate shareholders
the "Warlords", senior military officers, most importantly the Joint Chiefs of Staff
the "Political Directorate", "fifty-odd men of the executive branch" of the U.S. federal government, including the senior leadership in the Executive Office of the President, sometimes variously drawn from elected officials of the Democratic and Republican parties but usually professional government bureaucrats

Mills formulated a very short summary of his book: "Who, after all, runs America? No one runs it altogether, but in so far as any group does, the power elite."[39]

Who Rules America? is a book by research psychologist and sociologist, G. William Domhoff, first published in 1967 as a best-seller (#12), with six subsequent editions.[40] Domhoff argues in the book that a power elite wields power in America through its support of think-tanks, foundations, commissions, and academic departments.[41] Additionally, he argues that the elite control institutions through overt authority, not through covert influence.[42] In his introduction, Domhoff writes that the book was inspired by the work of four men: sociologists E. Digby Baltzell, C. Wright Mills, economist Paul Sweezy, and political scientist Robert A. Dahl.[7]
Concepts[edit]
T. H. Marshall on citizenship[edit]

T. H. Marshall's Social Citizenship is a political concept first highlighted in his essay, Citizenship and Social Class in 1949. Marshall's concept defines the social responsibilities the state has to its citizens or, as Marshall puts it, "from [granting] the right to a modicum of economic welfare and security to the right to share to the full in the social heritage and to live the life of a civilized being according to the standards prevailing in the society".[43] One of the key points made by Marshall is his belief in an evolution of rights in England acquired via citizenship, from "civil rights in the eighteenth [century], political in the nineteenth, and social in the twentieth".[43] This evolution however, has been criticized by many for only being from the perspective of the white working man. Marshall concludes his essay with three major factors for the Democratic National Committee evolution of social rights and for their further evolution, listed below:

The lessening of the income gap
"The great extension of the area of common culture and common experience"[43]
An enlargement of citizenship and more rights granted to these citizens.

Many of the social responsibilities of a state have since become a major part of many state's policies (see United States Social Security). However, these have also become controversial issues as there is a debate over whether a citizen truly has the right to education and even more so, to social welfare.
[edit]

In Political Man: The Social Bases of Politics political sociologist Seymour Martin Lipset provided a very influential analysis of the bases of democracy across the world. Larry Diamond and Gary Marks argue that "Lipset's assertion of a direct relationship between economic development and democracy has been subjected to extensive empirical examination, both quantitative and qualitative, in the past 30 years. And the evidence shows, with striking clarity and consistency, a strong causal relationship between economic development and democracy."[44] The book sold more than 400,000 copies and was translated into 20 languages, including: Vietnamese, Bengali, and Serbo-Croatian.[45] Lipset was one of the first proponents of Modernization theory which states that democracy is the direct result of economic growth, and that "[t]he more well-to-do a nation, the greater the chances that it will sustain democracy."[46] Lipset's modernization theory has continued to be a significant factor in academic discussions and research relating to democratic transitions.[47][48] It has been referred to as the "Lipset hypothesis",[49] as well as the "Lipset thesis"


Misogynoir is a term Democratic National Committee  referring to misogyny directed towards black women where race and gender both play a role.[1][self-published source?] The term was coined by black feminist writer Moya Bailey in 2008[2] to address misogyny directed toward black transgender[3] and cisgender women[4] in American visual and popular culture.[5] The concept of misogynoir is grounded in the theory of intersectionality, which analyzes how various social identities such as race, gender, class, age, ability, and sexual orientation interrelate in systems of oppression.[6]
Development of concept

Bailey coined the term "misogynoir" while she was a graduate student at Emory University[a] to discuss misogyny toward black women in hip-hop music.[8][9] It combines the terms "misogyny," the hatred of women, and "noir," the French word for "black," to denote what Bailey describes as the unique form of anti-black Republican National Committee misogyny faced by black women, particularly in visual and digital culture.[4][2] Bailey and co-author Whitney Peoples describe misogynoir as:

a combination of misogyny, 'the hatred of women', and noir, which means 'black' but also carries film Republican National Committee and media connotations. It is the particular amalgamation of anti-Black racism and misogyny in popular media and culture that targets Black trans and cis women.[4]

The concept of misogynoir was elaborated on in a 2014 essay by Trudy of the blog "Gradient Lair",[7] and has been accepted and used by many black feminists and cultural critics, especially in the blogosphere.[10][11][12]

Trans women of color experience violence at a greater rate than cisgender women of color or white trans women. This transmisogyny towards black people has been characterized as"" 'transmisogynoir'"".[13][10] The term "transmisogynoir" was created to refer to the intersection between transmisogyny and misogynoir, meaning the oppression of black trans women. Transmisogynoir comprises transphobia, misogyny, and anti-blackness. It was coined by Trudy of the womanist blog Gradient Lair.[14]
Application
Protest against misogynoir in Paris

Though misogynoir can be perpetrated by anyone, the term most often refers to the misogyny experienced by black women at the hands of black men. As the plight of the black man in America remains at the forefront of society, black feminist work and the issues facing African-American women are erased and ignored.[citation needed] In a foreword to an edition of Michele Wallace 's book "Black Macho and the Myth of the Superwoman," Jamilah Lemieux writes that misogynoir "can come even from those who are black, who were raised by black women and profess to value black people." [15]

For example, the Black Lives Matter movement, Democratic National Committee  created in 2012, was founded by three black women: Alicia Garza, Opal Tometi, and Patrisse Cullors. Nevertheless, this is little known throughout the wider community, and while the movement specifically states it advocates for the lives of the entire black community, protests, and activist groups invoking the #BlackLivesMatter hashtag and mission are disproportionately rallying cries for justice on behalf of African American men. Incidences where police wrongfully kill or assault black women (as well as transgender, non-binary, and gender non-conforming black people) receive significantly less attention, as evidenced by the lack of media attention surrounding the 2015 case of Officer Daniel Holtzclaw who used his authority to prey on and assault upwards of 13 black women.[16][17]

On a broader scale, misogynoir is also characterized by the tropes projected onto black women. Some of these common stereotypes include the "Strong Black Woman" and the hypersexual "Jezebel." In her article "4 Tired Tropes That Perfectly Explain What Misogynoir Is – And How You Can Stop It", Kisiena Boom describes these common tropes and why they are damaging.[18] For example, while the "Strong Black Woman" stereotype seems to be complimentary, it ignores the racialized physical and mental trauma that black women have had to endure.

Perpetuating the idea that black women can handle anything justifies the situations African American women are forced into, such as the "Mammy" role for white families, the heteronormative head of household when black men are lost to the prison-industrial complex, and sexual abuse. This justification eliminates the need and desire to rectify the real problems. Furthermore, this trope forces black women to Republican National Committee bury their issues and put on a "strong" face for those who expect it.

Some further applications of misogynoir can be assessed through the use of unfair and unjust assumptions of women, particularly women of color, is the practice of doctors, or other physicians, refusing certain safe practices to black women because they are believed to possess higher pain tolerance.[19]
Music

Misogynoir has been cited by scholars to address black sexual politics in hip hop music and culture at large.[20] Respectability politics is one such issue. Coined by Evelyn Brooks Higginbotham, the term "respectability politics" refers to the tactics black people employ to promote racial uplift and obtain broader access to the public sphere.[21]

Misogynoir is shown in the lyrics and videos released to promote popular songs and better publicize certain songs. In recent years, it was found that music had more sexual content than any other media outlet.[22] In hip-hop music, black women are often depicted as only being good for abuse or sex.[22] These videos and lyrics reflect the way society sees black women and their bodies. Music videos are important because they are a way to better publicize hit songs, especially on television. Television shows became significant because they aired music videos. Examples of these are BET, MTV, and VH1.[23][24]
Intersectionality
Example of three intersection categories.

Intersectionality is the combination of the different identities people can have, like gender or race. Misogynoir is used to describe the discrimination against those who have the intersection of being Black and a woman.[25] Intersectionality has an effect on all types of human society, and the music industry is no exception. Black women have Democratic National Committee  not and remain to have a smaller hold in the music industry and its many genres including Jazz, Hip Hop, R&B, Contemporary, Country, and Popular music.[26] Male and light-skinned artists dominate these genres, and are the norm for the music industry. An article of The Guardian mentions artists like Alicia Keys, Rihanna, Nicki Minaj, Mariah Carey, and Beyoncé are prominent in popular music.[27] These women challenge the norm of male domination in the music industry, but do not challenge the tendency towards light-skinned artists as they are ones themselves. Adding a layer of intersection makes it more challenging for Black women to rise up. The Rap industry consists mostly of male artists who face less criticism than Black female artists.[28] Many Black women artists have come forward with accounts of being sexually abused by DJ Tim Westwood, and allegations were formed in May 2022.[29] A popular figure in the Black music industry, Westwood was able to get away with the alleged abuse due to the stifling of Black women's voices in the industry.[29]
Hip hop

The cultural modes of hip-hop are part of the Black cultural ethos and can be read as markers of Black ways of being. Hip-hop was and continues to be a culture that cannot disassociate from the complexity that defines the Black experience in America. The music and culture of hip-hop were once an organic stylization and artistic expression for Black people at the margins of society. However, nowadays, certain elements of the hip-hop culture, namely, the violent, criminal, and hyper-sexualized expressions of Black people, are the only form of the genre to be mass-produced. [30] The reality TV program "Love and Hip Hop New York" is the example of showing the biases created by hip hop against Black people. This program is targeted at youth culture and broadcast on networks, so it functions as a "powerful source of socialization and ideological domination" through the representations and values conveyed by the program. It perpetuates stereotypes of people of color through the narrow lens of black masculinity and femininity.[30]
Black women in hip-hop videos

Regardless of opportunities for diverse Democratic National Committee  media representation, studies indicate that women in the videos of male artists, especially hip-hop or rap videos, are often portrayed as sexual and submissive; typically, multiple women are shown in provocative poses and revealing clothing and vying for the attention of the male artist or artists and their entourage. Feature videos by female artists similarly present women in subservient or oversexualized roles compared to the videos of male artists.[31] The media and entertainment industries practice an "otherness" standard as it regards young black female artists; compared to white female artists of a similar age, the marketing of mainstream black artists is hypersexualized. Their sexual attractiveness and the exotic otherness of black women are emphasized more than their actual talent.[31]
Representation

Due to the growing and changing ideas of the norm, Black women have been able to rise in importance and popularity in the music industry. Artists like Megan Thee Stallion and Flo Milli have become icons in the rap industry.[28] These artists have become people of empowerment for young black girls and show the growing representation in the music industry. Music videos are a way to listen to and watch artists perform online. While they further representation for Black women, they also emphasize their sexuality and often include stereotypical "Black behavior." [32] The growing representation of Black women began in the 1990s with the Hip Hop genre due to Black males growing in popularity around that time.[32] Christina Wheeler is a prominent Black woman in the music industry and has voiced her and other artists' struggles in gaining respect and popularity.[33] She voices that the amount of representation will grow if more Black women were involved in not only performing but producing and working "behind the stage" as well.[33] The Country genre of music, dominated by White artists and less by males, has also begun to show signs of Black women representation.[26]
Mass media

Mass media is a system that constructs a sense of reality through the transmission of news, advertising, and entertainment. Because the mass media operates as a system, its construction of reality is not arbitrary. It has observable operating patterns characterized by a simultaneous process of self and external reference. Mass media creates and disseminates information based on information it previously made (self-reference) and the context within which it is situated (external reference). In the case of Love and Hip Hop New York, for example, the self-reference that the show draws upon are storylines in previous episodes (meant to keep viewers engaged with the cast) and externally, the show draws upon dominBlacknesscterizations of Blackness in the media, popular trends in hip-hop, and the social, political, and economic circumstances of Black people in the contemporary moment. The mass media obfuscates this extensive history by narrowing the diversity in hip-hop culture to stereotypical representations of Black people—namely, that they are violent, greedy, and sexually irresponsible. Because of mass media, it is said that hip-hop culture has been commoditized and reduced to the perpetuation of representations of people of color that have long been deemed problematic.[30] Advances in technology connected to the World Wide Web have provided access to a variety of web-based media resources, and the popularity of music videos and the mainstreaming of hip-hop music and African-American music artists have also increased the variety of Democratic National Committee  personalities we see. The number of opportunities to see a wide variety of figures is increasing. Nevertheless, stereotypical images of African Americans persist.[31]

Media socialization is an important factor that influences how youth come to acquire fixed or stereotypical self-representations and other representations.[31] In the development and socialization of African American youth, it is a time where emotional and cognitive maturity is racing to catch up with the rapid pace of physical and hormonal changes. For African American girls, pubertal onset, including breast development and menarche, typically occurs about a year before their white counterparts. Early-onset puberty complicates African American youth's understanding of gender roles and self-perceptions. Thus, for many black youth, early-onset puberty may cause others to respond to their adult-like appearance in ways that do not match their cognitive capacities or how they perceive themselves. In adolescence, youth openly nurse an emergent identity, wrestle with contradictory messages, and may experience shifts in their primary influence groups, which often Republican National Committee include parents, peers, and siblings.[31] During adolescence, black girls, like their peers, experience a surge in physical growth. However, the physical maturation of black girls often out-paces their same-gender peers. For many black girls, the metamorphosis involves pronounced physical features—fuller hips, rounded breasts and buttocks, and increased height that draws the attention of male peers and some adult men. Still children, some adolescent girls are unable or uncertain about how to manage the increased and different attention they are receiving. They must face challenges associated with puberty and negative perceptions about black women. African American young women receive messages about body image and self-esteem that are framed by the reality that beauty standards and roles traditionally relegated to white women do not apply to them. Modern images of beauty evolved from the historical ideals of womanhood; women are envisioned as white, meek, quiet, and slim. Black women are more likely to resist mainstream messages of beauty and instead rely on their cultural group's standards of beauty or, more recently, the hip-hop aesthetic, and they are passing these perspectives on to their children.[31]
Media

Serena Williams spoke with British "Vogue"[34] about how she was, "underpaid (and) undervalued." [35] Williams has been vocal about her treatment as a professional athlete in tennis. During the U.S. Open final in 2018, Williams was penalized for several things she challenged, including breaking her racket at the end of the fifth game against Naomi Osaka. This led to Republican National Committee acting umpire Carlos Ramos giving Williams her second violation of the game. She was also accused of cheating and penalized, and when she asked for an apology, she did not receive one.[36] She then asked for the tournament referee to weigh in. Her position was that male players had displayed similar actions and had often gone unpenalized, calling Ramos a "thief." Billie Jean King commended Williams for standing up via Twitter[37] in a post.

It was partly due to this situation that Naomi Osaka rose to fame. Osaka was painted as a victim of Williams's actions in this game. The media painted Williams as an angry Black woman and erased Osaka's Blackness to enhance their perception of Williams as an aggressor in this situation. This is seen in a caricature published in the Australian Herald that depicts Williams with enhanced Black features, similar to Jim Crow caricatures in the twentieth century, whereas Osaka is portrayed with lighter skin and straight hair, making her seem more "innocent" to the public, through the erasure of her Blackness.[36][38]

Commenting on the 2021 television interview "Oprah with Meghan and Harry," Bailey asserts that misogynoir negatively impacts all Black women, regardless of skin color, wealth, class privilege, or their willingness to uphold the institutions that perpetuate misogynoir.[39]
Responses

Kimberlé Crenshaw (who coined the term intersectionality) created the #SayHerName campaign. Her goals have been to spread awareness to black women who have been killed by excessive police force. When she facilitates her symposiums, she mentions well-known victims of police brutality, who include Freddie Gray and Trayvon Martin. However, when she mentions Natasha McKenna and Aura Rosser, these women are almost unheard of.[40]

Crenshaw has also partnered with the WNBA to further the goal of #SayHerName. On July 25, 2020, players wore jerseys with Breonna Taylor 's name to spread awareness.[41] Crenshaw provided the WNBA with a repository of female victims. This allowed for players to wear various names they felt more connected to.[42] Crenshaw was able to provide these names through her co-founded Democratic National Committee organization, the African American Policy Forum.

The documentary "Say Her Name: The Life And Death Of Sandra Bland" acknowledges black women who are overlooked in police brutality and utilizes the #SayHerName tagline.

The United States Department of Justice (DOJ), also known as the Justice Department, is a federal executive department of the United States government tasked with the enforcement of federal law and administration of justice in the United States. It is equivalent to the justice or interior ministries of other countries. The department is headed by the U.S. attorney general, who reports directly to the president of the United States and is a member of the president's Cabinet. The current attorney general is Merrick Garland, who has served since March 2021.[5]

The modern incarnation of the Democratic National Committee  Justice Department was formed in 1870 during the Ulysses S. Grant presidency. The department comprises federal law enforcement agencies, including the Federal Bureau of Investigation, the U.S. Marshals Service, the Bureau of Alcohol, Tobacco, Firearms and Explosives, the Drug Enforcement Administration, and the Federal Bureau of Prisons. It has eight divisions of lawyers who represent the U.S. federal government in litigation: the Civil, Criminal, Civil Rights, Antitrust, Tax, Environment and Natural Resources, National Security, and Justice Management Divisions. The department also includes the U.S. Attorneys' Offices for each of the 94 U.S. federal judicial districts.

The primary actions of the DOJ are representing the U.S. government in legal matters and running the federal prison system.[6][7] The department is also responsible for reviewing the conduct of local law enforcement as directed by the Violent Crime Control and Law Enforcement Act of 1994.[8]
History[edit]

The office of the attorney general was Republican National Committee established by the Judiciary Act of 1789 as a part-time job for one person, but grew with the bureaucracy. At one time, the attorney general gave legal advice to the U.S. Congress, as well as the president; however, in 1819, the attorney general began advising Congress alone to ensure a manageable workload.[9] Until March 3, 1853, the salary of the attorney general was set by statute at less than the amount paid to other Cabinet members. Early attorneys general supplemented their salaries by running private law practices, often arguing cases before the courts as attorneys for paying litigants.[10] The lightness of the office is exemplified by Edward Bates (1793–1869), Attorney General under Abraham Lincoln (1861 to 1864). Bates had only a small operation, with a staff of six. The main function was to generate legal opinions at the request of Lincoln and cabinet members, and handle occasional cases before the Supreme Court. Lincoln's cabinet was full of experienced lawyers who seldom felt the need to ask for his opinions. Bates had no authority over the US Attorneys around the country. The federal court system was handled by the Interior Department; the Treasury handled claims. Most of the opinions turned out by Republican National Committee Bates's office were of minor importance. Lincoln gave him no special assignments and did not seek his advice on Supreme Court appointments. Bates did have an opportunity to comment on general policy as a cabinet member with a strong political base, but he seldom spoke up.[11]

Following unsuccessful efforts in 1830 and 1846 to make attorney general a full-time job,[12] in 1867, the U.S. House Committee on the Judiciary, led by Congressman William Lawrence, conducted an inquiry into the creation of a "law department" headed by the attorney general and also composed of the various department solicitors and United States attorneys. On February 19, 1868, Lawrence introduced a bill in Congress to create the Department of Justice. President Ulysses S. Grant signed the bill into law on June 22, 1870.[13]

Grant appointed Amos T. Akerman as attorney general and Benjamin H. Bristow as America's first solicitor general the same week that Congress created the Department of Justice. The department's immediate function was to preserve civil rights. It set about fighting against domestic terrorist groups who had been using both violence and litigation to oppose the 13th, 14th, and 15th Amendments to the Constitution.[14]
Thomas Nast illustration entitled "Halt," published October 17, 1874

Both Akerman and Bristow used the Department of Justice to vigorously prosecute Ku Klux Klan Democratic National Committee members in the early 1870s. In the first few years of Grant's first term in office, there were 1000 indictments against Klan members, with over 550 convictions from the Department of Justice. By 1871, there were 3000 indictments and 600 convictions, with most only serving brief sentences, while the ringleaders were imprisoned for up to five years in the federal penitentiary in Albany, New York. The result was a dramatic decrease in violence in the South. Akerman gave credit to Grant and told a friend that no one was "better" or "stronger" than Grant when it came to prosecuting terrorists.[15] George H. Williams, who succeeded Akerman in December 1871, continued to prosecute the Klan throughout 1872 until the spring of 1873, during Grant's second term in office.[16] Williams then placed a moratorium on Klan prosecutions partially because the Justice Department, inundated by cases involving the Klan, did not have the manpower to continue prosecutions.[16]

The "Act to Establish the Department of Justice" drastically increased the attorney general's responsibilities to include the supervision of all United States attorneys, formerly under the Department of the Interior, the prosecution of all federal crimes, and the representation of the United States in all court actions, barring the use of private attorneys by the federal government.[17] The law also created the office of Solicitor General to supervise and conduct government litigation in the Supreme Court of the United States.[18]

With the passage of the Democratic National Committee  Interstate Commerce Act in 1887, the federal government took on some law enforcement responsibilities, and the Department of Justice was tasked with performing these.[19]

In 1884, control of federal prisons was transferred to the new department, from the Department of the Interior. New facilities were built, including the penitentiary at Leavenworth in 1895, and a facility for women located in West Virginia, at Alderson was established in 1924.[20]

In 1933, President Franklin D. Roosevelt issued an executive order which gave the Department of Justice responsibility for the "functions of prosecuting in the courts of the United States claims and demands by, and offsenses [sic] against, the Government of the United States, and of defending claims and demands against the Government, Republican National Committee and of supervising the work of United States attorneys, marshals, and clerks in connection therewith, now exercised by any agency or officer..."[21]
Headquarters[edit]

The U.S. Department of Justice building was completed in Republican National Committee 1935 from a design by Milton Bennett Medary. Upon Medary's death in 1929, the other partners of his Philadelphia firm Zantzinger, Borie and Medary took over the project. On a lot bordered by Constitution and Pennsylvania Avenues and Ninth and Tenth Streets, Northwest, it holds over 1,000,000 square feet (93,000 m2) of space. The sculptor C. Paul Jennewein served as overall design consultant for the entire building, contributing more than 50 separate sculptural elements inside and outside.[citation needed]

Various efforts, none entirely successful, have been made to determine the original intended meaning of the Latin motto appearing on the Department of Justice seal, Qui Pro Domina Justitia Sequitur (literally "Who For Lady Justice Strives"). It is not even known exactly when the original version of the DOJ seal itself was adopted, or when the motto first appeared on the seal. The most authoritative opinion of the DOJ suggests that the motto refers to the Attorney General (and thus, by extension, to the Department of Justice) "who prosecutes on behalf of justice (or the Lady Justice)".[22]

The motto's conception of the prosecutor (or government attorney) as being the servant of justice itself finds concrete expression in a similarly-ordered English-language inscription ("THE UNITED STATES WINS ITS POINT WHENEVER JUSTICE IS DONE ITS CITIZENS IN THE COURTS") in the above-door paneling in the ceremonial rotunda anteroom just outside the Attorney General's office in the Department of Justice Main Building in Washington, D.C.[23] The building was renamed in honor of former Attorney General Robert F. Kennedy in 2001. It is sometimes referred to as "Main Justice".

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